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By law, they had to be run by a woman typically a former prostitute and their external appearance had to be discreet. Prostitutes working in the maisons , or any woman arrested twice for soliciting had to be registered as such.

Among the most expensive and best known maisons de tolérance in Paris were:. More sordid brothels, the maisons d'abattage , offering quick and dirty "services", were popular amongst the lower-class. The 19th century was also the time of several fabulously rich courtesans in Paris, with La Païva being the most famous one.

During World War I , in Paris alone, US Army officials estimated that there were 40 major brothels, 5, professionally licensed streetwalkers, and another 70, unlicensed prostitutes. The British Army adopted local codes of ethics when fighting in another country, and so allowed troops on rest periods and days off to visit what became termed maisons tolérées. Such activity was not just tolerated but encouraged for both the young, as well as the married men who were missing their wives.

As the war advanced, so did the need and rank of the prostitutes entertained. While British troops paid just six pence per day were often found in the lowest priced institutes, dominion soldiers from Australia, New Zealand, and Canada received six shillings and could afford higher-class "services". British officers preferred to "always indulge with armour condoms " and took to patronizing German Army officers' former prostitutes when the lines of conflict were advancing towards the end of the war, with the advantage that they sometimes gained tactical and strategic information as well.

It is unknown how many or what percentage of men visited the institutions, but the French army recorded over a million cases of gonorrhea and syphilis during the war. As a result, rates of venereal disease began to climb, with 23, British Army men at any time on average during the second half of the campaign hospitalized for treatment, [24] with over , British soldiers having been infected by the end of the war.

Syphilis was treated with injections of mercury, administered at a hospital over a day period, thereby guaranteeing escape from the frontline. The result was that some prostitutes with particularly bad VD infections could charge more. Every British army unit had a sexually transmitted disease clinic, where soldiers could gain an ointment consisting of mercury and chlorine to prevent VD infection, or receive a urethral irrigation with potassium permanganate after STI exposure.

The US Army attitude was different, driven by a reformist attitude at home. Aided by the American Social Hygiene Organization , he closed so called segregated zones close to Army training camps, which included closing the notorious Storyville district in New Orleans.

John Pershing to just say no: This was backed up by additional posters and pamphlets that read "You wouldn't use another fellow's tooth-brush, so why use his whore? US Army regulations required soldiers who admitted to having sex while on leave to submit to chemical prophylaxis, that included irrigating the penis. Soldiers who did not report for prophylaxis and later contracted VD were subject to court-martial and possibly a hard-labor sentence, while those who contracted disease after treatment only lost pay during treatment.

However, on debarkation at the designated port of St. With the dispute escalating, President Georges Clemenceau sent a memo to Gen. Pershing offering a compromise: American medical authorities would control designated brothels operated solely for American soldiers. Pershing passed the proposal to Raymond Fosdick , who on giving it to Secretary Baker responded: But this merely highlighted US differential racial policy, as all black troops were required by US Army regulations to undertake prophylaxis when returning from leave, whether or not they acknowledged sexual contact.

However, after the signing of the Armistice , when the US Army could no longer plead military necessity as grounds for curtailing leave, VD rates among US Army troops shot up. During the German occupation of France , twenty top Paris maisons , including le Chabanais , le Sphinx and le One-Two-Two , were reserved by the Wehrmacht for German officers and collaborating Frenchmen.

After the war, Marthe Richard , a town councillor in Paris and former street prostitute, successfully campaigned for the closure of all "maisons". As a result, the legal brothels were closed. This serves as a plot point in the first James Bond novel, Casino Royale.

However, prostitution remained a legal activity, with only its organization and "exploitation" pimping forbidden. This ended a system in existence since , which effectively made prostitutes less visible without suppressing the trade, and thus preservied "public morality".

Roughly 20, women were affected by this law, and approximately 1, houses were closed. Many former brothel owners soon opened "hôtels de passe" instead, where prostitutes could keep on working, but the visibility of their activities was reduced. Critics of French prostitution policy, such as Mouvement du Nid , question how effective this was, its implementation, and whether it really closed the "maisons".

For instance, they point to the presence of military brothels in Algeria till In , the Office central pour la répression de la traite des êtres humains OCRTEH was created as a branch of the police, to combat pimping and cooperate with Interpol. It is under the direction of the Minister of the Interior. France became officially " abolitionist " in when it ratified the UN Convention on the Suppression of Trafficking and the Exploitation of Prostitution.

In the debates over prostitution in France, "abolition" was used to refer to both the abolition of laws and regulations that make any distinction between someone involved in prostitution and the general population, and the abolition of prostitution itself. At that time, police files on prostitutes were finally destroyed. Exceptions were the demonstrations of prostitutes rights movements against police harassment in , and periodic calls by individual politicians for re-opening the "maisons" see Maisons closes below.

State policy has been built on two principles - criminalization, and support. Criminalization of the exploitation brothels, procuring, pimping of prostitution, and support and re-integration for those exiting.

However, the latter attracted few funds, and was largely left to charitable NGOs. Only a single position within the Department of Social Services had responsibility for this part of policy and funding. In the new Penal Code, pimping became a serious offence if associated with organized crime or barbarity, and overall was defined at three levels of severity with increasing fines, and prison sentences from five years up to life imprisonment. Clients were only criminalized if purchasing from minors under 15 years of age.

In , sex tourism was added if offences against minors were committed by French residents outside France. In the s, France became increasingly assertive internationally as a champion of abolitionism, opposing moves towards liberalization and regulation by the Netherlands and the International Labour Organization. Hubert Védrine the foreign minister asserted France's position at various international venues, such as the protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale and prostitution of children and child pornography and the Convention on organized crime with the protocol on trafficking Palermo French policy emphasised, along with the International Convention, that the real evil was prostitution, not trafficking, defined as an "accompanying evil".

Active solicitation was also outlawed in the late s. Passive solicitation being present with revealing clothes at locations known for prostitution was outlawed in as part of a package of law-and-order measures by then-interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy , in his "Domestic Security Bill" loi pour la sécurité intérieure , or LSI also known as Loi Sarkozy II , and had the effect of reducing the visibility of prostitution on the streets.

Law number "visant à renforcer la lutte contre le système prostitutionnel et à accompagner les personnes prostituées" Eng.: In the first six months after the law was enacted, men were prosecuted for purchasing sexual acts. It is legal for a man or woman to be a prostitute and sell sexual acts. All forms of proxénétisme procuring are illegal. France is an "abolitionist" country - its public policy is the prohibition and eradication of prostitution; however, at the same time, it considers that making it illegal to offer sexual acts in return for goods or services in the context of one's private life is a violation of individual liberty.

The issue has been prominent on the French political agenda since the late s, responding to international pressures on child prostitution and pornography and trafficking , international distinctions between forced and voluntary entry into prostitution rejected by the dominant "abolitionist" discourse and increasing migration. This has been accompanied by increasing discourse on la sécurité internally, which has gradually become dominant, affecting the framework in which prostitution is debated.

This was heightened in when Jean-Pierre Raffarin 's right-wing government succeeded the Gauche Plurielle plural left coalition of Lionel Jospin The Jospin construction was that prostitutes were victims and needed to be saved and re-integrated. This was a view shared by state feminists , ministers, delegates, and the powerful abolitionist lobby, and is reflected in the Derycke report as well as the National Commission on Violence Against Women, [38] as well as the debates on modern slavery esclavage moderne.

Very few of these constructed prostitution as a legitimate form of work. At the municipal level, there was evidence of prostitutes being constructed as public nuisances that needed to be confined, and many mayors of both political groups responded to citizen groups to introduce by-laws restricting prostitutes' activities in early This was fuelled by an apparent increased visibility.

For instance, Françoise de Panafieu UMP delegate 17th arondissement campaigned against street prostitution in the summer of The commitment to abolitionism prevented specific laws aimed at prostitution which would have been seen as regulation initially, so they often used traffic and parking by-laws to drive out workers, which ultimately mean that they were moved from well-lit busy areas to much more unsafe areas. As the discourse shifted from abolitionism to security, so did more explicit laws and regulations.

This disquiet enabled Nicolas Sarkozy to later mobilize public anxiety about security evident in the elections that year in his Domestic Security bill. The cultural context is the concept of gender equality as stated in the preamble to the and constitution and which had seen an increasing momentum of political gains for women, including the establishment of a women's policy agency in and a ministry of women's rights in However, a significant gap still exists in terms of economic and employment opportunities.

Meanwhile, immigration policies have become increasingly restrictive, and soliciting can result in the removal of a migrant's work permit. The Socialist Party Manifesto calls for holding clients "responsible". The vague language is due to the fact that such measures remain controversial in the Socialist Party.

In , Chantal Brunel , an MP in Sarkozy's ruling right-wing UMP party, and newly appointed head of the equality office, [53] called for legalizing and regulating maisons closes brothels , see Maisons closes, below akin to the situation in several surrounding countries, claiming that this would make the sex trade safer and transparent.

This caused considerable discussion. Instead, they demand the repeal of the law outlawing solication, [57] [58] a demand that Chantal Brunel also supports. In June , the socialist women's minister Najat Vallaud-Belkacem announced that she wanted to abolish prostitution in France and in Europe. State feminists dominated the discourse in the left-wing Jospin years, pursuing an anti-male-violence campaign.

As Women's Minister, Nicole Péry, confirmed in her New York speech see above , prostitution, as a form of male violence, was very much part of that State strategy.

This influence has waned under the security agenda of the succeeding right-wing governments, but is still evident in the new political thinking, as stated in Marie-Jo Zimmermann 's UMP report to the Delegation on Women's Rights on prostitution [60] in which she echoes the left wing sentiment that the purchase of sex constitutes violence.

The pervasiveness of this thinking is even found in the budget. As in many other countries, debates on the nature and regulation of transactional sex are highly polarized. These positions are the familiar ones that define sex work as violence against women on the one hand, and those who see the problem as stigmatisation and poor working conditions on the other. These result in proposals for either the eradication of prostitution, or social reforms.

The dominant abolitionist faction consists of Catholics, family values advocates and sections within feminism and the left. As elsewhere, the term abolitionism has seen a shift from the abolition of Réglementation to include abolition of sexual slavery. From the abolition of Réglementation and the maisons closes to the late s, there was a broad abolitionist consensus.

This resulted from a close fit between the government position and the dominant socio-political discourse, making it acceptable to a broad coalition that included abolitionists, secular and religious NGOs, politicians from both ends of the political spectrum, and most French feminists. This was so dominant under the Jospin years as to appear normative and non-ideological [62] and above any philosophical debate.

In the s, a number of changes shifted the focus of debates. These included an increasing globalization of movements on both parts of the debate, Sweden and the Netherlands were moving to change their legislation in two distinct and different directions, there was political instability in Eastern Europe and there was also increasing concern about AIDS , while state feminists were also playing an increasing part in policy debates.

There were however occasional dissenting voices such as the debate in Le Nouvel Observateur in , sparked by the Dutch legislation.

A manifestation of abolitionism was the declaration of May 18, , published in the centre-left Le Nouvel Observateur , called " Le corps n'est pas une marchandise " "The body is not a commodity". This was signed by 35 prominent citizens, and demanded that France and Europe affirm their commitment to the abolition of prostitution, resulting in a debate covering many aspects of the subject, such as choice, autonomy, voice, and agency.

In , cases of pimping were tried, and sentenced to prison. Generally the judiciary were satisfied with the existing legislation, [34] although also saw the creation of a new unit of the Judicial Police using information technology to combat pimping and trafficking. Transnational operators proved a problem to the police. The report of the Delegation named after its author, Senator Dinah Derycke [34] [73] was critical of what it saw as the lack of commitment in the fight against prostitution, mainly the difference between France's official abolitionist position and what was occurring in practice.

Although the report received a favourable reception in parliament initially, its political impact was limited. Senator Derycke retired due to ill health and died soon after, while other pressures diverted the debate into other related measures, such as organized crime and trafficking and 'modern slavery'. Outside parliament, there was a new activism and demand for action, led by Bus des femmes. However, the new right-wing government elected in Jean-Pierre Raffarin was to completely change the way prostitution was perceived see below.

Criticism of the dominant discourse came from prostitute' rights advocates, health associations, such as Cabiria Lyons , [76] AIDS groups, and some activists who complained that sex workers were being treated paternalistically and denied voice and moral agency.

They demanded eradication of stigma and restoration of rights, access to health and social services, and better "working conditions". All parties claimed they spoke on behalf of and for sex workers, and shared a concern for their welfare, while denying their opponents did.

New issues arising in were local residents' complaints and the ascendacy of a law and order discourse on both left and right, leading to a heated debate, [80] notably the suggestion by Françoise de Panafieu UMP that the maisons closes see Maisons closes below be re-opened. The catch-cry of "to save the Republic" worked in the favour of the right and President Jacques Chirac and Jean-Pierre Raffarin who came to power as Prime Minister that year.

Nicolas Sarkozy became minister of the interior in the incoming right-wing Rafferin government , almost immediately announcing a Domestic Security Bill Loi No pour la sécurité intérieure , [83] and the focus of the debates around prostitution shifted to legislation.

In justifying these measures, Sarkozy claimed large segments of the population were exposed to "anxiety and legitimate exasperation". Article 42 addressed the protection of women in prostitution, considered victims of exploitation, and these were amplified by the Minister for Equality in the Workplace, Nicole Ameline Sarkozy stated that the poor supported a tough crime agenda and that the general population wanted a stronger stand on law and order.

The Sarkozy bill both redefined prostitution and transformed policy, making solicitation, previously a minor offence, a serious offence un délit up to six months imprisonment initially, but amended to two , with stiffer fines, and brought back "passive" solicitation as a crime Article Passive solicitation had been previously decriminalized by another right-wing government, that of Balladur in Proposed Article removed the necessity of the police having evidence of soliciting, allowing 'dress or posture' to be sufficient.

He explained that it was inconvenient for the police to have to obtain evidence of active soliciting. In the Senate, a Government amendment subsequently deleted reference to dress after a popular outcry.

Furthermore, the new legislation allowed for foreigners to have their permits revoked for disturbing public order, allowing deportation to become a penalty for solicitation active or passive , even if they were legal immigrants. It addressed trafficking, by defining it and attached penalties. In the case of alleged victims of trafficking, collaboration allowed them to stay and work till their case was heard.

If an exploiters were convicted Article 76 , they could then receive permanent residence. Finally, article 52 allowed for annual reports to be published on prostitution in France, from onwards. Reactions included demonstrations and petitions. In the Senate, the measures were seen to be street cleaning, rather than addressing the causes of social problems and social exclusion , and that reconstructing prostitution as a law and order issue would merely drive it underground, depriving sex workers from access to services, and damaging AIDS campaigns.

It was noted that there was no action to deal with organized crime or those who might be exploiting sex workers. The issue of passive solicitation caused particular concern since it could mean that any woman could be arrested for the way she dressed, and it was particularly hard to define.

The judiciary were equally unhappy with evidence that solely consisted of police testimony and were reluctant to convict. The trafficking policy seemed more aimed at the porousness of borders than at actual criminals, while migrant sex workers appeared to be particularly discriminated against, since they were simultaneously 'rescued' and deported without in any way addressing their vulnerability.

Calls for aiming trafficking policy at traffickers rather than sex workers came from the Senate Law Commission, the Delegations for Women's Rights in the Senate and National Assembly, as well as from the opposition. In the Senate hearings into prostitution that year, Claude Boucher of Bus des Femmes , a sex worker support group, described how sex workers sell sex to survive, unable to make ends meet on social security or the minimum wage.

To treat them as criminals, she argued, would just make them more vulnerable. Sarkozy did not attempt to produce a comprehensive policy on prostitution, but rather a quick fix, addressing immediate concerns of voters in terms of visibility. This avoided inconveniencing the middle-class clients, who might have created more opposition. The governmental policy tended to portray all immigrant women in prostitution, the most vulnerable, as victims of trafficking and exploitation, and their pimps as "foreigners".

In , the police dismantled many trafficking networks, mainly involving Eastern Europe and Africa. The effects were largely those of displacement, pushing their activities into isolated areas, and the am timeslot, isolated them from service agencies, exposed them to violence and destroyed the historical working relationship with the police.

Sarkozy had made a sharp distinction between the "classic prostitution" of the traditional French Fille de Joie, who he depicted as unproblematic, even a cultural icon see Culture , and the presence of " ces malheureuses filles étrangères " these poor foreign girls on the streets of France, who he depicted as the security threat. By "rescuing" these victims of trafficking and returning them home, he proposed to solve the situation.

He argued that the only way to achieve this was to arrest them and then send them back to their families Si le racolage est reconnu comme un délit, les forces de l'ordre pourront, parce qu'elles auront commis un délit, ramener ces filles chez elles , which he stated to be a humanitarian duty " c'est un devoir, dirai-je, humanitaire que de raccompagner cette personne chez elle " I will say it is a humanitarian duty to return such a person to their home.

The offense that we are creating must come to their aid I hope that these women will have a better future than facing degrading encounters night after night". In drawing this distinction, Sarkozy made frequent reference to the inability to speak French, constructing the issue as a defense of French. He suggested that this made them vulnerable to exploitation, and that the Police would take them home.

This last point became a target of those who believed they were being sent back to the conditions that made them leave in the first place.

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